Part 1 presents an overview of Dr. Robert Williams
influence over the development of the child support system across the United States, and
his concurrent start up and operation of a company while a key consultant with the
government working exclusively in the creation of public policy. A chronology of activity
during this time (1983-1990) is included. Williams has been and continues to consult with
States regarding child support policy and enforcement.
Part 2 focuses on the "Income Shares" model
originated by Williams in the 1980s, and the underlying national economic data
sources that he uses to feed it. As of this writing at least 31 states use this model and
the underlying economics. Many of the presumptions used in states using other models come
philosophically from the same thinking advocated by him. This section will discuss the
fundamental flaws of the model, as well as the failure of the underlying economics that
ultimately lead to support obligation numbers.
As you will see, Williams clearly drove the elements of todays
child support system, concurrently creating a company that could exploit the very programs
he was helping to establish. The company, Policy Studies, Incorporated of Denver,
essentially brags about this in their company promotional material. His model and the underlying
economics fall far short in trying to result in equitable and reasonable child support for
our nations children. Financial considerations are given total weight based on a
flawed process, while emotional child support is ignored. The latter is not a "free
good", and by ignoring the reality that there are two parents now in two households,
our children suffer.
I want to thank Roger Gay and Greg Palumbo for their contributions and
advice on the content of this paper.
PART 1: DR. ROBERT WILLIAMS AND HIS INFLUENCE ON TODAYS
CHILD SUPPORT SYSTEM. A QUESTION OF ETHICS?
As anyone familiar with domestic law would know, child support in the United States is
a growing multi-billion dollar public policy issue. Much controversy surrounds it, from
determination of the amounts owed and by whom, as well as the punitive enforcement
measures being undertaken at local, state, and federal levels. Below I detail information
about one mans efforts at influencing, establishing, and ultimately exploiting this
lucrative "industry". Dr. Robert Williams, founder and primary owner of a
privately held business in Denver, Policy Studies, Inc., has cleverly manipulated and in
effect, set up the child support mechanisms throughout the US, working within the federal
and various state governments, creating a market from which he has been and continues to
profit. He clearly is the "father" of current US child support public policy.
His efforts have cost federal and state taxpayers billions of dollars, without appreciably
improving the lot of children in spite of the rhetoric to the contrary. In fact, many
would argue that in the process, he is harming children through establishment of an
overall approach that is out of control, disables noncustodial parents from meaningful
involvement with their children, and overall, misses the reality of what child support
should truly be.
- Williams consulted with the US Health and Human Services (HHS) agencys Office of
Child Support Enforcement from 1983-1990, directing research and technical assistance for
the federally funded Child Support Guidelines Project. During this time, a
federally-driven approach was developed in Washington that has lead to significantly
increased child support obligations owed. (Dramatic new legislation was passed in
Washington in 1984 and in 1988 that he clearly influenced). He consulted with many States
as well, and continues to do so today.
- In 1984, one year after establishing his influence with the government, Williams started
Policy Studies, Incorporated in Denver with 3 employees.
- In 1987, for use in consulting with HHS and the various States, Williams developed and
introduced a model for child support guidelines called "Income Shares", now used
in some form in at least 31 states. It has lead to significantly increased child support
obligations (using extremely flawed expenditure data gathered from intact families - SEE
PART 2) while providing no built in consideration for "credits" for the expenses
related to a childs time spent with their involved other (noncustodial) parent.
- Policy Studies two biggest lines of business is in general guidelines development
consulting with States based upon the Williams model, and the other is to provide child
support collections. In mid-1997, his company had some 500 employees, with over $21
million in revenues. While consulting he urges adoption of a model (costing large
consulting fees in the process,
- reimbursed at least 67% by federal tax dollars to the state per US public policy) that
leads to dramatically increased child support with little or no credits, thereby creating
a hardship on noncustodial parents struggling to remain involved with their children. This
results in an increased pool of potential child support obligation owed, and increased
arrearage for his collection division to exploit.
It is clear that Williams has not only influenced policy through his involvement with
the agency responsible for child support enforcement, but with his inside knowledge has
developed a consulting business and collection agency targeting privatization
opportunities with those he has consulted. In 1996, his company had the greatest number of
child support enforcement contracts, covering numerous counties in seven States, of any of
the private companies that held State contracts. Reimbursement to his company for child
support enforcement ranges from 10-32% of what the company collects according to the
General Accounting Office (HEHS97-4). And according to company promotional literature,
they currently operate 31 privatized service locations in 15 states. The conflict of
interest between Williams consulting to raise child support guidelines and his
companys private Child Support Enforcement activities should be apparent. It should
also be apparent that any raises in the child support guideline he obtains in any State
can be used as leverage for raising the child support guidelines in another State where he
has private child support contracts today, or where he may have them tomorrow. He has
continued acting as the pied piper for raising child support guidelines nationally, where
he and his company profits.
Adding insult to injury, while the "father" of todays child support
public policy continues to profit from his past unique opportunity of influence, the basis
of his consulting utilized in most of the Country is statistically, economically, and
intellectually flawed. The end result is a much costlier approach to child support
enforcement to US taxpayers, but more importantly, it continues to drive an ever-widening
wedge between children and the parent obligated to paying financial child support. This
will be discussed in substantial detail in Part 2.
A CHRONOLOGY OF WILLIAMS EFFORTS ALONG WITH COINCIDENT AND SIGNIFICANT FEDERAL
POLICY CHANGE DURING HIS CONSULTING TENURE WITH HHS (1983-1990):
- 1983-1990: Williams is hired and retained as a consultant by Health and Human Services
in Washington, D.C. in order to drive establishment of uniform child support guidelines
for the states (federal Child Support Guidelines Project).
- 1984: Williams starts "Policy Studies, Incorporated", in Denver, Colorado.
- 1984: The Child Support Enforcement amendments of 1984 (Public Law 98-378) extended the
research and demonstration authority in section 1115 of
- the Social Security Act to the Child Support Enforcement Program. It featured provisions
that required improvements in State/local CS Enforcement Programs in 4 major areas:
- Mandatory Enforcement Practices
- Improved Interstate Enforcement
- Equal Services for Welfare and Non-AFDC Families
- Other Provisions for the States including:
- Collecting spousal support as well where both are due in a case;
- Establishment of State Commissions to study the operation of the States child
support system and report findings to the States Governor;
- Formulate guidelines for determining child support obligation amounts and distribute
the guidelines to judges and other individuals who possess authority to establish
obligation amounts
- 1986: The Omnibus Budget Reconciliation Act of 1986 passed (Public Law 99-509). It
included a child support enforcement amendment prohibiting the retroactive modification of
child support awards.
- 1987: The Williams "Income Shares" Model is developed and promoted to
various States. It was introduced in his report, "Development of Guidelines for
Child Support Orders: Advisory Panel Recommendations and Final Report." for the
U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, Office of Child Support Enforcement.
According to this report, the intent was to increase "child support" awards
dramatically above what existed according to established state child support laws.
- 1988: The Family Support Act of 1988 (Public Law 100-485) passed. It emphasized the
duties of parents to work and support their children and in particular, emphasized child
support enforcement as the first line of defense against welfare dependence. The key child
support provisions include:
- Guidelines for Child Support Awards
- Judges and other officials are required to use
state guidelines for child support unless they rebut the guidelines by a written finding
that applying them would be unjust or inappropriate in a particular case. States must
review the guidelines for awards every four years.
- Establishment of Paternity
- Federal standards are established by formula.
The Federal matching rate for laboratory testing to establish paternity is set at 90%.
- Requirement for Automated Tracking and Monitoring System
- Each State is required to
have a fully operative statewide system in place by October 1, 1995, and states had 90%
matching by the Federal government.
- Interstate Enforcement
- A Commission on Interstate Child Support was created to
hold national conferences by October 1, 1990 to make improvement recommendations.
PART 2: A REVIEW OF THE WILLIAMS-INSPIRED "INCOME SHARES" MODEL, AND PROBLEMS
INHERENT IN THE UNDERLYING ECONOMICS
My state of residence is Kansas, which is a joint custody preference
state by statute (meaning legal decision making, not necessarily shared physical custody).
Well over 80% of the cases result in joint custody awards. It is only logical that the
most significant reason a judge would order joint custody, or short of that, some degree
of visitation, would be a recognition that both parents are going to maintain some degree
of involvement with their child post-separation/divorce. In those situations, legislatures
and/or courts are stating that it is in the childs best interests to have such
involvement with both parents. Yet as will be described below, the financial child support
schedules of most state guidelines are derived from data collected from overall
expenditures made by intact family households throughout the country, with minimal
state-specific participation. According to federal law, all relevant costs of raising the
child in that state are to be taken into account by the state model used to develop the
support obligation schedules, creating a rebuttable presumption. Without including direct
costs incurred by the second involved parent specifically in the guideline economics, such
costs have not been considered. (They are in fact, left totally to the discretion of the
court, with little guidance on how to consider them in determining an appropriate and just
child support award.)
When one fully grasps the economic methodology used in todays
guideline development, there becomes a recognition that it is impossible to really know
what guideline numbers are appropriate or what assumptions are used to determine
state-specific child support obligations. Only through getting at just those things would
states be consistent with the tone of the 1996 report from the Office of Child Support
Enforcement (OCSE) where they said,
"Surprisingly, few States reviewed their core guideline model
or methodology. Rather, guideline reviews focused on issues relating to income,
adjustments to income, adjustments to the guideline amount, and deviations from the
guideline amount."
What is needed is to get outside the paradigm that existing models
(using the same "economic studies") are the only way of determining appropriate
and just child support awards in each state. The reality is that the base economic studies
used in child support schedule development were not planned for nor conducted with child
support considerations in mind. Rather, they were designed for significantly different
purposes, never intended to be specifically applied to individual situations such as child
support. Highlighting this fact is that none of the studies measure what federal law says
we need to do in each state, and that is to fully understand the impact on both
parents ability to continue to provide for their children in two separate
households, fully considering the involved second parents expenses. The United
States Bureau of Labor Statistics which gathers
the base expenditure data used in the "Income-Shares" model
espoused by Williams, actually cautions against the use of such generalized data to apply
to any individual situation, exactly what is done in the vast majority of the states,
including Kansas. Most states have also been reviewing the logic of their child support
guidelines based entirely within the bounds of the guideline logic itself. Over time, it
is likely in each state that one cant tell for certain what assumptions have truly
been included in the model or not, each of which directly affects the child support
schedule values. Often, the state review committee has simply gone back to see if the
modified guidelines still conform to the original developers personal preferences.
In the 14 years since the federal government mandated development of statewide child
support guidelines, additional research has been conducted, including new scientific
approaches that solve many of the problems both in the baseline data used in state child
support models, as well as in the models themselves. The flaws inherent in the current
child support estimate methodologies are being addressed in this research. These should be
fully explored consistent with what the OCSE urges be done regarding methodology review.
THE FLAWED INCOME SHARES MODEL
The "Income Shares" model is currently used for child support
guidelines development in at least 31 states as of this writing. Additionally, most of the
other states utilize the same underlying economics used in this model for their particular
state guidelines. This model was developed in 1987 by Williams, and was introduced in his
report, "Development of Guidelines for Child Support Orders: Advisory Panel
Recommendations and Final Report." for the U.S. Department of Health and Human
Services, Office of Child Support Enforcement, where as noted previously, he was a paid
consultant driving the development of uniform guidelines throughout the country. The next
year, Congress passed The Family Support Act of 1988 (Pub. L. No. 100-485) which mandated
that states implement presumptive, rather than advisory, child support guidelines, giving
the states only one year to do so. Virtually all states met the congressional deadline
with such guidelines in place by October 1989. It appears obvious that due to the short
deadline required of the states to comply with this new law, most conveniently opted for
the very model being espoused by the agency overlooking the whole program, the Income
Shares model.
Williams describes his model in the Health and Human Services
publication, "Child Support Guidelines: The Next Generation", published
in April 1994:
"The Income Shares model is based on the concept that the child
should receive the same proportion of parental income that he or she would have received
if the parents lived together. A basic child support obligation is computed based on the
combined income of the parents (REPLICATING TOTAL INCOME IN AN INTACT HOUSEHOLD)
{emphasis added}. This basic obligation comes from a
table which is derived from economic estimates of child-rearing
expenditures, minus average amounts for health insurance, child care, and childs
extraordinary medical expenses. The basic child support obligation is divided between the
parents in proportion to their relative incomes. Pro-rated shares of child care and
extraordinary medical expenses are added to each parents basic obligation. IF ONE
PARENT HAS CUSTODY, THE AMOUNT CALCULATED FOR THAT PARENT IS PRESUMED TO BE SPENT DIRECTLY
ON THE CHILD. FOR THE NONCUSTODIAL PARENT, THE CALCULATED AMOUNT ESTABLISHES THE LEVEL OF
CHILD SUPPORT {emphasis added}."
He continues, "The Income Shares model was developed by the
staff of the Child Support Guidelines Project, which was funded by the U.S. Office of
Child Support Enforcement and administered by the National Center for State Courts. It
utilizes several concepts from the earlier Washington (State) Uniform Child Support
Guidelines, but diverges in basing its numerical parameters explicitly on a different and
more recent body of economic analysis."
The reader is urged to keep in mind a few key points from
Williams description of his Income Shares model as they will be addressed in the
balance of this paper.
- The "model is based on the concept that the child should receive the same
proportion of parental income that he or she would have "theoretically"
received if the parents lived together. It is designed to "theoretically replicate
total income in an intact household".
- No consideration is provided for the reality of additional expenses that
occurs in an involved second parents household, which is necessitated by the simple
and obvious fact that the parents no longer live together. Only one household matters.
- Health insurance, child care, and extraordinary medical expenses are typically added on
to the obligation after the basic amount is calculated.
- The one parent with sole custody, or the one parent with primary residency in states
with joint custody, receives the child support payment, and it is "presumed"
that the money is spent directly on the child. No accountability, something that
occurs in virtually all other financial "trust" situations which child support
certainly is, is required of the receiving parent. The full weight of local, state, and
federal law however, ensures the accountability of the obligor to pay the recipient.
REBUTTABLE PRESUMPTION
Federal law requires that awards determined by the application of child
support
guidelines be rebuttable. It specifies:
"A written finding or specific finding on the record that the
application of the guidelines would be unjust or inappropriate in a particular case as
determined under criteria established by the State, shall be sufficient to rebut the
presumption in that case."
It further specifies that guidelines:
"shall be reviewed at least once every 4 years to ensure that
their application results in the determination of appropriate child support award amounts."
In other words, the table values established within the guidelines are
"presumed" to accurately reflect the situation of parents and their children at
the various income levels. In theory at least, federal law enables parents the possibility
of pointing out to the court why the guideline numbers should not apply in their
particular case (rebutting the presumption). Practice and thoery though, are very
different.
Economic studies used in the Income Shares model are based on total
family expenditures in intact families. These are estimates of spending that might occur
if the parents were living together, sharing all the expenses of a single household.
Spending on children in split households has a random relationship to the combined income
of the parents. The income of both parents can be appropriately considered in the award
decision only if that consideration is consistent with the fact that the parents do not
live together and therefore do not use their income jointly. Joint income, and table
values related to joint income, have no relationship at all to family economic
circumstances in the context of a child support award decision. In a particular state,
even assuming that the sample of data is appropriate (and that is dubious as I will show
below), individual case circumstances (those which deviate from the circumstances presumed
in developing the guideline, such as separate households and continued dual parent
involvement), cannot be adequately considered unless the numeric table is
categorically divided (food, clothing, shelter, transportation, entertainment, etc.).
Without an explicit and clear conceptual basis for the award, a parent attempting to rebut
the presumptive amount on the basis that it is unjust or inappropriate must do so without
knowing what just and appropriate means.
The only way to properly apply mathematical decision models within the
context of Constitutional justice is to fully disclose the nature of the mathematics, the
underlying reasoning, and the assumptions in such a way as to make their review practical
in comparison with the circumstances of each case. Currently state committees reviewing
the models and the underlying data, the judges making awards using the resultant support
schedules, and attorneys and parents living with the results of them, are not able to
directly tie the schedule to specific
cases. It literally is impossible! Federal law (and the Constitution)
requires a just and appropriate award in each case, and the goal for states is to
construct guidelines that are sufficient to do so in every circumstance to which they are
applied. It is also required that judges can identify inappropriate and unjust results and
that attorneys and parents can argue for deviation when a formula fails. My state of
residence, Kansas, is a joint custody preference state by statute, which logically entails
some degree of joint parental involvement. Even those states without such a preference
generally apply some minimal level of parenting time (visitation). Separation/divorce
inherently means separate households. Therefore, use of the existing guidelines based on
intact family expenditures without inclusion of involved noncustodial parent expenditures
on children, is inappropriate in all such cases. Guidelines have continued to fail to take
the reality of parenting expenditures of an involved second parent into account.
BASE DATA USED IN THE "INCOME SHARES" MODEL LEADING TO CHILD
SUPPORT SCHEDULES
Upon joining the State of Kansas Child Support Guidelines Advisory
Committee in early 1998, I was advised by a long term member of the Committee to be sure
and understand the economics involved in our states guidelines. Therefore, in an
effort to understand our methodology, I researched the data base that feeds the model here
to establish the various schedules. I was astounded at what I discovered and shared the
information with the rest of the Committee. To my surprise, most of what I shared about
the economic methodology used had not been discussed to any degree with the Committee
previously. This is probably common in most states.
Most state guidelines utilize expenditure data developed from the
Bureau of Labor Statistics (BLS) annual Consumer Expenditure Survey (CES) in the
development of the child support obligation schedules. It consists of 5,000 household
surveys conducted each quarter, totaling 20,000 surveys/year. (The BLS said that the 5,000
surveyed is a staggered pool concept. The whole annual sample is the same 5,000 households
for 3 quarters, and a new 5,000 for a 4th quarter.)
Recognizing that each state is to have guidelines appropriate to that
specific state, I called the regional BLS office in Kansas City, as well as their main
office in Washington, and asked how many of the sample actually came from Kansas. All they
could tell me was that it was "somewhat less than 100 surveys" (with all
but a few out of the Kansas City Metro area, and the remaining coming from Lawrence, KS.
None came from any other cities in the state, including Wichita which has the largest
population in Kansas). Therefore, this states guidelines, to specifically apply to
its child support cases, are based upon generalized data, virtually all of which comes
from out of state, and again which are derived from intact family expenditures. With this
small national sample size, this has to be the case in each state. The bigger problem
however, is the sample data itself.
The BLS publishes a list of "Frequently Asked Questions"
regarding the CES. Number 15 specifically asks and answers:
"What are some of the Limitations of the Data?"
"The Interview and Diary Surveys are sample surveys and are
subject to two types of errors, nonsampling and sampling. Nonsampling errors can be
attributed to many sources, such as differences in the interpretation of questions,
inability or unwillingness of the respondent to provide correct information, mistakes in
recording or coding the data obtained, and other errors of collection, response,
processing, coverage, and estimation for missing data. THE FULL EXTENT OF NONSAMPLING
ERROR IS UNKNOWN. (All caps added for emphasis) Sampling errors occur because the
survey data are collected from a sample and not from the entire population. Tables with
coefficients of variation and other reliability statistics are available on request.
However, because the statistics are shown at the detailed item level, the tables are
extensive."
"CAUTION SHOULD BE USED IN INTERPRETING THE EXPENDITURE DATA,
ESPECIALLY WHEN RELATING AVERAGES TO INDIVIDUAL CIRCUMSTANCES. (All caps added for
emphasis) The data shown in the published tables are averages for demographic groups of
consumer units. Expenditures by individual consumer units may differ from the average even
if the characteristics of the group are similar to the individual consumer unit. Income,
family size, age of family members, geographic location, and individual tastes and
preferences all influence expenditures."
Along these same lines, Kansas Guidelines review committee economist
Dr. Walter Terrell admitted to me in a letter in April 1998 in response to a request for a
detailed break out of expenditure areas at various income levels, that:
"Given the same total level of spending due to children, the
component parts will vary from family to family. That is, families, say, with a focus on
dental and health care might show above average child spending on these items, and below
average spending on childrens clothing. This applies to the USDA (United States
Department of Agriculture) estimated components as well, i.e., no measures of variation
are presented for the component parts."
"In short, if the total amount of child support that is supposed
to be spent due to children is in fact spent for that purpose, then the component
parts are irrelevant. Further, about 75 to 80 per cent of expenditures
on children involve jointly consumed goods, e.g., home, auto, utilities, etc
This
further complicates the question of how much is spent (on average) for each spending
class."
The application of this generalized data currently utilized in Kansas
and most other states, both from the federal government agency gathering the baseline
data, as well as a committees economist, shows no direct relationship with specific
circumstances around individual child support scenarios in the state. The BLS explicitly
discourages such application of data potentially riddled with nonsampling errors, and an
"expert" economist admits that such detail necessary in order to potentially
rebut, is not discernible from the model. What is also being pointed out is that there are
absolute limits to what can be derived from the CES. Most state guidelines currently in
use, stake their entire logic on inferences from the CES. But the CES itself has no way of
telling us what the right redistribution of income actually is. It is necessary to
supplement the statistical work with what the OCSE report has pointed out is missing in
state reviews, the fundamental logic of the guidelines must also be further developed.
Continuing, the Income Shares model incorporates the CES data as
repackaged by the United States Department of Agriculture (USDA) in their report,
"Expenditure of Children By Families" which is published each year. From the
5,000 household quarterly CES data, the USDA culls it down based on the following
qualifiers:
- One child of own, 17 years of age or younger in the household
- Six or fewer children
- No other related/unrelated people present in the household
- Complete income reporters (earn taxable wages)
16,245 Total Survey-Households qualified for 1997 sample
(12,850 Husband and Wife households/3,395 Single-parent households)
Only intact husband/wife households are utilized due to sample size
limitations
There is a two child assumption per Husband-Wife household.
The country is then divided into regions; West/Northeast/South/Midwest,
and a general US Rural category. (Kansas for instance, is part of their Midwest Region
which also includes: Illinois, Indiana, Iowa, Michigan, Minnesota, Missouri, Nebraska,
North Dakota, Ohio, South Dakota, and Wisconsin. According to the USDA, among the regions,
the Midwest is the lowest for child-rearing expenses)
The Expenditure Categories are: Housing; Food; Transportation;
Clothing; Healthcare; Child care and education; and Miscellaneous
The expenditures for Clothing, and Child care and
education only apply to children and are divided equally between them, and exclude
adult-related expenses. Food expenditures are determined from the USDA Food
Plans to allocate among the various family members. Healthcare expenditures are
derived from the National Medical Expenditure Survey, and allocated among the family
members by age, etc.
Expenditures for Housing, Transportation, and Miscellaneous
goods and services however, are allocated on a per capita basis (divided equally
among the members). This has the effect of minimizing the costs to adult members, while
raising the level of expenditures on children. According to the USDA, this is done as they
say there is no research base for allocating these expenses, and they reject the marginal
cost method as well for that reason. (The study itself however, addresses the marginal
cost basis in some detail in the report appendix, referring to actual studies that show
that use of the marginal cost basis can reduce Housing expenditures by 28-44%, and
the Miscellaneous category by 28%.)
The per capita methodology employed for these categories also shows
problems when reviewing what is specifically included in these expenditures. For instance,
Miscellaneous specifically includes such things as manicures, make-up,
hair styling, health club memberships, country club memberships, etc.
Surely, many of the expensive costs associated with maintaining adults should not be
equally distributed amongst all family members including children since they are not costs
associated with raising children. The Transportation cost share as determined by
the USDA included vacation travel expenses as well as automobile transportation
expenses that were calculated by subtracting the costs associated with travel to work.
That is they subtracted the mileage associated with getting to work from the costs of the automobile,
insurance, maintenance, etc., and then divided this amount by the number of
members in a family. For instance, a car costing $12,000 the day before a baby is added to
an expectant family, is allocated at $6,000 for each parent. The next day, with baby
arrived, the cost of the car attributed to the baby suddenly on the scene is $4,000!
Arguably, the mileage directly associated with transporting children would be more
accurate than USDA estimates, which seem to be grossly exaggerated. The same type of
treatment occurs for Housing. Using the expectant family example, the day before
the babys arrival, the cost for housing is divided equally between the two adults.
Upon the babys arrival, the cost of housing is suddenly divided equally between the
adults and the baby. The childs "portion" is then summed and used directly
in the calculations for state child support guidelines. Are these children supposed to be
buying their own cars and living in their own apartments? Or are they living in a
parents residence and being transported sometimes, including family outings to
places the parent would be going anyway? On the face of it, it is obvious that such
allocations are questionable. These points have not been so obvious in the past because
the estimates have not been separated to the point that anyone on any state review
committee understood what the numbers in the guideline mean. With todays guidelines
and their underlying data, how in the world can parents, attorneys, and judges begin to
understand them within the context of due process?
Regionalizing data creates problems as well for the figures used to
calculate specific state child support schedules. Tax rates differ in each state, along
with differing costs of living. Although the survey says that the measure of expenditures
for items is after tax (arguing that it is therefore then held constant across the
country), the reality is that the level of income available based on after tax and cost of
living differs across the country, let alone each region as income available to spend
varies as a result. (This also highlights an additional area of concern regarding
available income for expenditure on children in the noncustodial home, which as
established earlier, remains unaccounted for and unmeasured.)
As stated previously, to get to the schedules that have been developed
in states using the Income Shares model (and most others as well), the CES data has been
utilized to feed the model. I have pointed out many of the problems inherent in that data
being used to determine child support schedules. I have also addressed several flaws in
the Income Shares model itself. First off is that actual expenditures on children by
families is not addressed. The methodology used to identify family expenditures do not
actually track all costs per person through a marginal cost accounting basis, and thus do
not reflect true costs. What is reported are total "intact" family expenditures,
which are then broadly allocated to children, and then which are entered into the state
economic model based on the parameters established by the modeler (certainly not any
specific individual child support case at hand). Additionally, the model also fails to
account for costs incurred while the noncustodial parent exercises his/her parenting time.
Lastly, the model purports to accurately reflect what it costs to raise a child in a
particular state (such as Kansas in my experience, based on a household expenditure survey
sample size consisting of "somewhat less than 100" Kansas participants!).
An argument may be made for instance, that since about 30% of Kansas cases involve
interstate child support orders, regional and national data is fine. However, orders under
the jurisdiction of a particular state should be based on what it costs to raise a child
specifically in that state as the starting point.
SUMMARY
Dr. Robert Williams in my opinion is an absolute genius! He established
himself as chief consultant to the agency responsible for development of child support
policy, and successfully manipulated his personal approach to the subject, his
efforts leading to the most significant federal laws dealing with child
support today. While clearly a genius, one can easily call into question his ethics,
however. While in his unique and influential position in Washington, he early on
concurrently established a private company called Policy Studies, Incorporated. This
company grew along with the programs he helped push through in Washington, as well as
across the country. He was able to "sell" his model through his position to the
states while they were under tremendous pressure to come up with an approach under extreme
time constraints to comply with federal mandates. This particular model led to
significantly higher child support obligations owed, allows for no consideration for
involved second parents, and created an increasing pool of potential parents falling into
arrears. Coincidentally, his company is the leader in the child support
"collections" business, an industry that requires an increasing pool of
potential dollars available to collect, and an increase in potential
"defaulters". In the meantime, his company continues to grow exponentially, as
he continues to consult with the states about implementing and reestablishing his model,
one laden with flaws and inappropriate for use in individual child support cases. And as
enforcement continues to be subsidized by federal tax dollars, his collections and
involvement in state child support efforts continue to soar.
Nationwide, we must aggressively pursue looking at additional
methodologies and economic data gathering that will assure appropriate and just child
support awards in each state. Further, states must fully review the fundamental logic
leading to child support awards. From there, a full review of available research will
better enable them to put forth a full recommendation on what their state-specific
guidelines should look like, ultimately allowing each of the parties to a child support
case to be better able to exercise their full due process.
Some believe that it might be too costly to conduct state-specific
studies, to include data collection. Their inclination would be to continue on using the
same flawed methodology and data, falling back on the false belief that what we have today
is the best we can do. However, this cost is arguably quite negligible compared to the
impact of our current approach. To simply continue doing the same old thing would be
ignoring our responsibility to be thorough in guideline development and review. Opening
our minds to alternative approaches of child support determinations could prove to be less
costly than might be believed.
Lastly, I have not mentioned the impact that todays approach to
child support guidelines and enforcement have on our countrys children. Focusing
solely on "financial" child support while failing to emphasize
"emotional" child support is destroying our childrens lives by depriving
them of someone that they desperately need to have involved in their lives, their other
parent. All credible research shows that for the vast majority of children, the best
parent to children
of separation and divorce is quite simply both parents. Instead of
seeking out ways of facilitating dual parent involvement, our current public policy has
established economic and legal roadblocks, merely because it is easy to
"garnish" income. The end result in this crazy social experiment is increased
juvenile suicide, teenage pregnancy, juvenile delinquency, and teenage drug abuse, among
many other childhood pathologies, all sharing a common variable in most of these
instances, an absent parent. Continued parental involvement of the second parent (the one
currently not included in the studies of the true ongoing costs of parenting), does indeed
cost money. Such involvement is not a free good. This country is beginning to awaken to
the damaging effects of having frustrated dual parent involvement for so many years.
Reforming the child support enforcement public policy from the ground up needs to occur.
Only then will we begin to turn the corner in the direction of our countrys most
important assets, our children.
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